從周緣性到閾境性

從硬碟裡翻出來的文章,最初應該是在2018年12月底寫的。最近要寫一篇關於sinology如何做台灣研究的問題,所以找回了這篇文章。現在重新再看,貓還是覺得自己寫得還滿有道理的😺所以再PO一次。(2022-03-31 at RUB)

A Nationalism Constrained in Periphery

若林正丈指出,台灣國族主義的形成與日本和中國這兩個「無法忘卻的他者」有不可分的關係。「無法忘卻的他者」是日本歷史學者三谷博提出的概念。「無法忘卻的他者」是在主張「自己」存在的時候,無法忽視參照的他者。用最寬鬆的定義來看,只要有群體中國族主義存在,就必然有個「無法忘卻的他者」在旁邊徘徊。若林認為,對台灣國族主義來說,這樣的他者就是中國和日本。

台灣與這兩個他者扯上關係,原因在於近一百多年來多次的國籍轉換中形成。首先是從清朝領土變成日本的法理殖民地,戰後再變成中華民國的實質殖民地,現在又受到中華民國與中華人民共和國的內戰關係所牽扯,未來可能還有一次國籍轉換中。所以說有日本和中國兩個無法忘卻的他者,我倒覺得有三個,ROC和PRC應該分開來談。其實若林論文也談了三個,只是他把PRC和全球化放在一起談。

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George Psalmanazar: An Unexpected Link between the United Kingdom and Taiwan

Taiwan was a strange island for the British people. Known as “Formosa” in European literature, this East Asian island’s engagement with Great Britain did not begin until the seventeenth century. 

When the Dutch East India Company (VOC) colonised Taiwan from 1624 to 1662, some British people set their feet on Taiwan as employees of the Dutch company. Scottish man David Wright was one of them. As an employee of the VOC, Wright visited Taiwan around 1650 and wrote reports about indigenous Formosan and the Chinese religion. Both reports were published in Dutch author Olfert Dapper’s collection of Dutch embassies to China and then translated into English by Scottish publisher John Ogilby (1600–1676). Besides Wright’s reports, Ogilby incorporated VOC chaplain Georgius Candidius’s 1628 report on the indigenous Formosan, making Atlas Chinensis (1671) the most authoritative English publication about Taiwan in the seventeenth century. 

While Ogilby was collecting travellers’ accounts, the East India Company also settled a trade treaty with Cheng’s regime in Taiwan, who expelled the Dutch in 1662 and was referred as the “King of Tywan (Taiwan)” at that time. The British factory was established in 1672, and the trade was maintained until the Qing Empire conquered Taiwan in 1683. Then Taiwan was locked into the Qing Empire for nearly two centuries. People soon forgot all British engagements with Taiwan within a decade; Taiwan became terra incognita again.

In 1704, a “native of Formosa” appeared in London that awakened British people’s curiosity toward this remote island. The man was called George Psalmanazar (ca. 1679– 1763). He said a Jesuit took him out of his native country Formosa, converted him to the Catholic religion, and brought him to Europe. In the southern Netherlands, he encountered a British chaplain who converted Psalmanazar to the Church of England. “George” was the christened name at this time. As a native of Formosa, Psalmanazar became a walking wonder in London. Many people wanted to witness the young man from a strange island in East Asia. 

On 11 August 1703, Psalmanazar was invited to join the meeting of the Royal Society. On the meeting, Psalmanazar announced that he would soon publish a book about his native country. However, some participants left their doubts in the minute that Psalmanazar looked “like a young Dutch-man.” On 2 February 1704, Psalmanazar was invited to the Royal Society again, but he encountered Jean de Fontaney, a Jesuit missionary who had just returned on a British ship from China. That night, Psalmanazar had an intense debate about East Asia with Fontaney. 

Psalmanazar knew he must have his book published as soon as possible to gain an advantage to defend his account. In the spring of 1704, Psalmanazar published his book An Historical and Geographical Description of Formosa and reported many strange customs beyond people’s imagination. He claimed Formosa had a sophisticatedly organised society but was conquered by Japan in the seventeenth century. People of Formosa sacrificed thousands of boys’ hearts to worship their deities. Their religion was given by a prophet named “Psalmanaazaar,” meaning “the Author of Peace,” and our George was named after this prophet. There are many other detailed but exaggerated descriptions of every aspect of Formosa that fascinated contemporary readers. However, they also raised doubts because many historical and ethnographical accounts from Psalmanazar were different from known ones.

Georgius Candidius’s account of Formosa was the most cited source to challenge Psalmanazar, which was re-published in Great Britain in 1704, just before Psalmanazar’s book. When Candidius wrote the report in 1628, he had already lived with the indigenous people in southwest Formosa for sixteen months. Like many casual ethnographies in that time, Candidius reported what he had observed in the indigenous villages near VOC’s Fort Zealandia (in today’s Tainan City). The indigenous people are collectively known as Siraya in modern literature. Candidius described the physical complexion of the Formosa indigenous, their lifestyle, labor division, housing, food and drink, hunting and battling, indigenous government, social organisations, and life cycle rituals. He also reported the most important topic, perhaps the strangest and disliked one for him, the indigenous religion.

Candidius mentioned several religious notions which were either known or unknown to the indigenous people. For the known notions, he compared the differences with the Christian religion. Candidius also detailed the functions of indigenous priestesses (inibs). Among all rituals performed by priestesses, the strangest and unverifiable custom is the prohibition of pregnancy before 35, 36, or 37 years old and the forced abortion performed by indigenous priestesses. There is no supportive evidence besides Candidius’s account to verify this strange custom, and thus it became the most controversial issue for eighteenth-century readers. British readers questioned Psalmanazar’s account about the custom to sacrifice thousands of boys’ hearts to worship their deities with Candidius’s report, which he did not report. To counterattack, Psalmanazar critisised Candidius’s account of forced abortion as absurd and accused it of lacking credibility.

Psalmanazar manipulated the rhetoric of overgeneralisation. By that, he excluded Candidius’s account from the debate and monopolised the authority about Formosa. He also appealed to sincerity through religious piety. Psalmanazar was a native of Formosa and a pious believer who sincerely converted to the Church of England. Shouldn’t the British people trust his religious sincerity and accept his account about his native country Formosa?

No, they shouldn’t. Psalmanazar was an imposter. He was probably from southern France and had never been to Formosa. His voyage from Formosa to Europe was fictional, and his accounts about Formosa were all fabricated. However, because Psalmanazar claimed himself as a native of Formosa, no one had sufficient counterevidence to challenge his account successfully. Some members of the Royal Society were eager to expose Psalmanazar. Hans Sloane asked Jean de Fontaney to verify Psalmanazar’s journey, and Fontaney replied from France that no one in Avignon knew a man called Psalmanazar. Dutch politician-scientist Nicolaas Witsen published a Chinese Jesuit’s account about China, including the latest news about Formosa. In his Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, or, A Compleat Collection of Voyages and Travels (1705), John Harris also included a passage about Formosa from a German traveller travelogue, which was extracted from Candidius’s account.

Edmond Halley, the astronomer who successfully predicted the comet’s return, was the most enthusiastic scholar to expose Psalmanazar. He presented a map of East Asia drawn in 1667 on the society’s meeting, and that was significantly different from Psalmanazar’s. He also questioned Psalmanazar if the sunlight came straight down to the chimney on the summer solstice. Formosa lies on the Tropic of Cancer, so the answer should be positive. However, Psalmanazar said it does not. Perhaps noticing falling into Halley’s trick, Psalmanazar argued Formosan chimney was not straight but crooked, so sunlight could not come through it.

Unfortunately, most scholars attacked Psalmanazar based on secondary sources or indirect evidence. They could not challenge Psalmanazar’s authority because he claimed himself a native of Formosa; Psalmanazar himself was the primary source! Therefore, the Royal Society needed someone who had been to Formosa to report what Formosa really was in order to contest with Psalmanazar.

A surprising help came from the outside of the Royal Society in mid-1705. Henry Newman, who later became the secretary of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK), found a Suffolk physician Samuel Griffith who had been to Formosa and introduced him to the Royal Society. Griffith was a former employee of the East India Company and arrived in Formosa in 1672 as a merchant and a physician. According to the extant letters between Newman and Griffith, Newman first asked Griffith many questions based on Psalmanazar’s book. Perhaps the SPCK was considering sending missionaries to Formosa, so they needed to verify Psalmanazar’s account. Griffith replied to Newman quickly and disapproved of Psalmanazar.

Later, Newman let John Chamberlayne, his friend in the Royal Society, know this communication. Chamberlayne urged Newman to obtain more information about Formosa from Griffith so that the Royal Society could expose Psalmanazar at once. Again, Griffith gave a prompt reply in which he described the situations of Formosa. Griffith’s Formosa account was mostly correct except for a few mistakes. To conclude the letter, Griffith remarked his history of service in the East India Company, which we can still verify in the company’s archive today.

Finally, Newman presented his communication with Griffith to the Royal Society on 20 June 1705. With Griffith’s strong testimony against Psalmanazar, the Royal Society decided to reject Psalmanazar’s account. However, they neither publish their conclusion nor notify their colleagues in other countries. This communication failure allowed Psalmanazar’s false account to circulate on the European Continent for several decades, even when Psalmanazar had lost all his credit in British society.

The silence of the Royal Society led to some unfortunate consequences. In the first half of the eighteenth century, people cited Psalmanazar’s work when they wrote about Formosa, though they took a cautious attitude toward his account. German publisher Johann Heinrich Zedler warned his readers not to trust Psalmanazar, though Zedler still mentioned his account in his encyclopaedia Universal-Lexicon (Vol. 9, 1735). Besides cautious readers, some scholars mistrusted Psalmanazar’s account. Prominent French natural philosopher Comte de Buffon cited Psalmanazar to criticise Dutch traveller Jan Janszoon Struys’s account about tailed men on Formosa. Although Struys’s tailed man was just a common travel lies popular in the Malay world, Comte de Buffon was still wrong to cite a fake source to criticise Struys’s account.

Psalmanazar was in his twenties during the Psalmanazar affair, and he spent the rest of his life in Great Britain. With erudite knowledge and excellent language skill, Psalmanazar became a hack writer on Grub Street who wrote and compiled articles for his customers. He helped complete The Ancient Part of An Universal History (1730-1744) and was probably involved in the compilation of The Modern Part of An Universal History (1754-1765). The most important announcement in Psalmanazar’s later life was his apology in A Complete System of Geography, which was published under Emanuel Bowen’s name in 1747. In this book, Psalmanazar apologised for his imposture and promised to provide readers with the most accurate information about Formosa. He cited Dutch accounts to describe Formosa in the seventeenth century, and he also cited French Jesuit Joseph de Mailla’s travelogue from 1714 to describe the Formosa under the rule of the Qing Empire. He believed they were the most reliable accounts about Formosa and hoped this action would compensate his imposture forty years ago. Perhaps Psalmanazar’s correction notice in Bowen’s book successfully refuted his fake book. In the latter half of the eighteenth century, British writers no longer considered Psalmanazar’s book as a must-mentioned source when they wrote about Formosa. In the third edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica (1797), there was no mention of Psalmanazar.

In Bowen’s book, Psalmanazar not only corrected his mistakes but also announced that he would publish a memoir to tell the story of his life after his death. This posthumous work appeared on the market in 1765, two years after Psalmanazar’s death. Now, this memoir is the most important source to study Psalmanazar’s extraordinary life. However, perhaps Psalmanazar did not realise, that his bold imposture and brave apology opened the critical Taiwan studies in Europe and built an unexpected link between the United Kingdom and Taiwan.


This article was originally published on Taiwan Insight (2021-10-19):
https://taiwaninsight.org/2021/10/19/george-psalmanazar-and-the-fake-history-of-taiwan/

試考「臺灣語」這個名字來自日語

推特最近有個角落在吵 Taiwanese Hokkien 的命名問題。有人說「台語叫做台語主要的原因是使用的人群自己這樣叫吧」。

真的是這樣嗎?其實「台語」這個詞很洋味耶。

要進行這個研究,貓需要用到「台灣白話字文獻館:白話字數位典藏」
http://pojbh.lib.ntnu.edu.tw/artical-default.htm

貓用上述資料庫查了《臺灣教會公報》(1885年創刊),發現早期表達 language 這個意思時,大多用「話」或「腔口」,而非「語」。而且大家對教會公報使用的那個語言,並沒有固定的稱呼。 日本人來台後用「臺灣語」來稱呼 Taiwanese Hokkien,但在教會公報上,用的卻是「台灣話」。最早出現在1901年,但到了1933年林茂生開始連載介紹新詞的〈新台灣話陳列館〉,才開始較為頻繁出現。

〈新台灣話陳列館〉的新詞大多來自日語,林茂生稱之為「國語」或「日本話」。顯然還是「話」比較順口。

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Toko: A Local Concept that Traveled the World

Placenames originate from the interactions between humans and places. Around the world, placenames are considered to be legacies of such interactions throughout history. Similar to historical artifacts unearthed from the ground, placenames that make space meaningful can also serve as a primary source for reconstructing the history of ancestors’ lives. Moreover, as a linguistic symbol, placenames can spread to a wider area following the movement of that language’s speakers. However, as entire language communities evolve and written languages transform, it could become difficult to thoroughly understand the meaning and origin of archaic placenames.

Toko is such a placename in the Hokkien language. Its origin is unknown, yet it is commonly used across Taiwan and even for locations and buildings in areas to where Hokkien merchants had sailed, such as Japan, Indonesia, and Thailand. Therefore, by studying the placename Toko, one can examine this name in a larger context and reconstruct the things linked together by toko in terms of both time and space.

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從在地到世界的土庫

摘要

地名是人與地方互動的產物,因此考證地名的源流和意義,可以為我們重建先民在這片土地生活的歷史,並且揭露一個族群在更大脈絡下的活動經驗。本文透過考證「土庫」的地名歷史和原始意義,一方面爬梳原始文獻,為地名考證的過程提供堅實基礎,同時也將討論範圍擴展到散布於東亞世界中的「土庫」,嘗試從更廣的視角探求難解地名的原意,以及先民在東亞世界活動經驗的普遍性。根據土地契約和地圖等文獻史料,「土庫」這個地名在臺灣本島的分布北自臺北,南到高雄,沒有明顯的地域性,可以推斷他是一個源自普遍生活經驗的地名。惟這個地名的原始意義已經不在現代人的生活經驗中,使我們必須從更多的歷史文獻著手。本文考證相關語言史料,發現土庫正如它字面上的意義,為土造防火倉庫,在十四世紀就已經出現在中國的文獻上。後來隨著閩南海商網絡在東亞海域的擴張,在日本、暹羅、印尼爪哇都有被稱為「土庫」的建築物,並在臺灣成為廣泛分布的地名。「土庫」一詞的語義也在十七、十八世紀擴張,從原本的防火倉庫,增加商業據點的意義,並進入馬來語,成為東南亞的文化成分。但在臺灣和閩南,用來稱呼防火倉庫的「土庫」被「火庫」取代,以致現代人無法理解「土庫」的意義,從而導出各種不同的俗民字源。透過考證「土庫」的地名源流,我們可以瞭解「土庫」在早期臺灣農業社會的功能,重建這個地名一度失去的意義,同時也以「土庫」為線索,將在地的地名與漢人在東亞世界的活動經驗連結,展現地名作為一個研究方法的潛力。

關鍵字:土庫、防火倉庫、商業據點、地名考證、海商網絡

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Analytic Frame and Objective Tone:von Siebold’s Rhetorical Adaptation of a Casual Journal into a Scientific Ethnography

This article was presented at EAAA 2016, 15th – 16th October, Hokkaido University, Sapporo, Japan.


Abstract

The anthropological discipline “ethnography” can trace its roots to the travel reports describing non-European peoples in the age of exploration. This kind of literature provided the European public with overseas intelligence and foreign curiosities during the early modern period, and in modern times it became a source to enhance understanding of the past of peoples with less remaining self-documentation. This presents a dilemma for scholars because historic travel literature does not usually satisfy the modern standards of social science but may be the only source to access parts of the vanished past. A common solution for these later anthropologists is to adapt these sources to fit the framework of their scholarly works. The results are thus rhetorical, but this characteristic is hidden in the objectivity of the language as typically presented.

This paper takes a historical and bibliographical approach to review the case of Philipp Franz von Siebold’s nineteenth-century adaptation of a Dutch naval officer’s journal from the mid-seventeenth century to write about Ainu culture. In 1643, Cornelis Jansz. Coen, a Dutch officer, sailed on the ship Castricum to today’s Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the southern Kuril Islands; he wrote in his journal about the Ainu people he encountered. Coen’s journal is still considered one of the few descriptions of the Ainu before the Japanese focused their attention on the north of the country in the late eighteenth century. After Coen’s journal was discovered in an archive and subsequently published in 1858, the famous Japanologist Philipp Franz von Siebold wrote a geographical and ethnographical elucidation of the culture of the Ainu based on Coen’s journal. In this article, von Siebold cited Coen’s journal to analyze eight topics of Ainu culture; this analytic frame makes his discourse appear scientific in its language. However, as we return to Coen’s original journal, it is obvious that he recorded his personal experiences on the voyage and that the journal served no ethnographical purpose beyond investigating the commercial opportunities for the Dutch East India Company.

Reviewing this historical and bibliographical context, this paper reveals that von Siebold’s account of Ainu culture was actually constrained by his sources, and his objectivity was a rhetorical product rather than an empirically studied science. This finding alerts modern scholars of the dangers of using historical sources to study the vanished culture of a particular ethnic group; it also highlights that treating a historical source in its true context is the only mean to avoid the danger.

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Sinologist Ernst Johannes Eitel’s Hakka Studies: A Perspective of Missionary Ethnography

This article was read at the Joint East Asian Studies (JEAS) Conference 2016, 7th-9th September 2016, SOAS, London.

Abstract

German missionary Ernst Johannes Eitel (1838-1908) is an important scholar in the history of Hakka studies. His “Ethnographical Sketches of the Hakka Chinese” (1867-1869) and “An Outline History of the Hakkas” (1873) laid the foundation to develop Hakka identity in the early twentieth century, and Eitel’s methodology was also adopted by later scholars in their Hakka studies. In this paper, I start with reviewing his educational and evangelical backgrounds from archive materials kept in SOAS and Tübingen University to find what influenced him in writing history and ethnography. Then I analyze the etymological clarification of Eitel’s terminology, “ethnographic sketches”, and trace its scholarly root to the mid-eighteenth century Germany. I further make a comparison among Eitel’s works, the German Ethnographie/Völkerkunde tradition, and the British questionnaire of ethnological inquiry. The result reveals Eitel was strongly influenced by his native German tradition. Finally, I find the historical criticism of the Tübingen School, from which Eitel was nourished, was unable to help Eitel critically read the fictitious parts in Hakka genealogies and made him ironically constructed the myth of Hakka migration.

Keywords: Ernst Johannes Eitel (1838-1908), history of Hakka studies, history of ethnography, Hakka customs, construction Hakka migration history

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被發明的Quaty:福爾摩沙人村社會議名稱考

緒論

1675年一本作者署名「C. E. S.」的小冊子《被遺誤的福爾摩沙》(t’ Verwaarloosde Formosa)在荷蘭出版,一般認為這是臺灣最後一任荷蘭長官揆一與其同僚(Coyett et Socii)為1662年臺灣失陷所做的自我辯護。在本書的卷首,隱藏於C. E. S.之名下的作者或作者們,先為讀者揭示這本小書的主旨,並且介紹那個被遺誤的美麗島位於何方,島上居民的文化為何,讓讀者瞭解以下要敘述的事件是在什麼地方發生。[1]這段位於卷首的福爾摩沙地理與民族誌,可說是繼1628年Candidius牧師的〈福爾摩沙地理與歷史短論〉(“Discours ende Cort verhael, van’t Eylant Formosa”)後另一篇描述臺灣原住民文化的論述。不過1903年甘為霖牧師在將《被遺誤的福爾摩沙》英譯,收錄在《荷據下的福爾摩沙》(Formosa under the Dutch)第三部分時,卻沒有將這一段地理與民族誌敘述收錄進去。甘為霖的理由是這段敘述很大部分沿襲了Candidius的民族誌,而這部分已經在該書的第一部分收錄,所以沒有重複的必要。[2]

甘為霖的理由只對了一半,因為經過仔細比對後,C. E. S.的地理與民族誌雖然幾乎全部取材自Candidius的〈福爾摩沙地理與歷史短論〉,但是論述的語調與主題的編排卻完全不一樣。Candidius原本充滿個人經驗與觀點的筆記式論述經過C. E. S.的改寫刪減之後,語調變得較為客觀,編排也變得更為合理。從修辭的角度來評價的話,C. E. S.的版本精簡易讀,勝於Candidius的原文。再者,晚出的C. E. S.版也補充了一點Candidius在1628年不知道的資訊,例如北部的硫磺與臺灣恐怖的地震。[3]不過C. E. S.最重要的「補充」,可能是將福爾摩沙人的村社會議稱作Quaty,並在描述福爾摩沙村社的政治制度時,多次使用Quaty一詞指涉這個由十二名耆老組成的組織。[4] 奇怪的是,Candidius在1628年的報告中,雖然也詳細描述了村社會議的組織與功能,卻始終沒有提過Quaty這個詞。這讓我們現代讀者猜想,是不是在Candidius之後,荷蘭在臺官員終於發現福爾摩沙人村社會議的真正名稱?或是在原住民「文明化」的過程中,終於有人為既有的制度起了一個名字?其實都不是。當我們從文獻學的角度仔細考證Candidius的〈福爾摩沙地理與歷史短論〉從出版到C. E. S.改作的過程,就會發現Quaty其實是「手民誤植」加上「郢書燕說」的雙重錯誤所造成的「荷蘭發明」,並不是實際存在於臺灣原住民社會的詞彙。

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筑波大學交換留學心得(2014.9-2015.3)

動機

博士班學生申請交換留學,聽起來是很奇怪的事。一來是年紀和大部分申請交換留學的同學相比實在頗大了,二來我已經有五年的美國留學經驗,跟大家一起競爭交換留學名額不像上級生應有的風範。再說博士班學生通過資格考後,本應如火如荼地準備論文計畫和博士論文的寫作,此時離開台灣赴外交換留學半年,似乎會把這一切都拖延下來。特別是博士候選人資格考當天與交換留學行前說明會剛好撞期,在文學院大樓和雲和街系辦間兩邊趕場的我,也有點覺得把自己搞得太忙了。但從個人學術職涯的角度來看,此次補上師大赴外交換生的缺額,申請赴日本筑波大學交換留學,短期內可以讓我充分利用日本大學圖書館的學術資源來增進自己和目前參與的研究計畫,中長期則可以熟悉日本的學術資源與環境,拓展未來的學術職涯的可能性。因此,將自己的論文推遲半年參與交換留學,是相當值得一試的計畫。現在回顧起來,原定的目標都有達成,還額外培養了一些在日本獨自生活和處理問題的經驗,這半年可說沒有白費。

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國語作文和語言規訓

摘要

「國語運動」藉由國民義務教育,將戰後的台灣人捲進語言規訓的機制中,塑造了現在台灣的語言狀況。但過去學界對「國語運動」的討論,多著重於制度面的探討,以及「國語運動」對「國語」以外語言的壓制,鮮少討論「國語運動」所操弄的規訓機制,亦無法解釋過去的政策與當前語言現象間的因果關係。但經杷梳史料後發現,「國語作文」是學校教師監視學生語言表現的重要技術,也是少數成功的規訓技術。本文將分析「國語作文」的性質,討論規訓的權力如何透過作文滲透進學生的心靈而成為現在台灣社會對書面語的不成文標準,最後並與近年來的語言現象連結,解釋台灣社會對書面語言的保守心態。

關鍵詞:國語運動、規訓、作文、Michel Foucault

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